Vamik D. Volkan (b 1932)

1.  Psychoanalysis, International Relations, and Diplomacy: A Sourcebook on Large-Group Psychology, by Vamik D. Volkan, Karnac Books, 17, 2014 (kindle 2017-1-26)

   http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/address-by-egyptian-president-anwar-sadat-to-the-knesset (1977-11-20)

2.  Killing in the Name of Identity: A Study of Bloody Conflicts, by Vamik D. Volkan, Pitchstone Publishing, 2006 (accessible via scribd)

3.  Blind Trust: Large Groups and Their Leaders in Times of Crisis and Terror, by Vamik D. Volkan, Pitchstone Publishing, 2004 (accessible via scribd)

   https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B5viXpvvYMYEWnZQcXlDbkFLVnc/view?usp=sharing

4.  Immigrants and Refugees: Trauma, Perennial Mourning, Prejudice, and Border Psychology, by Vamik D. Volkan, Karnac Books, January 31, 2017 (kindle 2017-1-27)

5.  Volkan, V. (2013). Large-Group-Psychology in Its Own Right: Large-Group Identity and Peace-Making. Int. J. Appl. Psychoanal. Studies, 10(3):210-246  

     
https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B5viXpvvYMYENVJqc1FlanlXV28/view?usp=sharing

https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B5viXpvvYMYEdGVkSExmc3RKaVU/view?usp=sharing 

    

 https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/0B5viXpvvYMYEZXhMR0M4d1FPWkk?usp=sharing 

 http://www.vamikvolkan.com/Home.php

 http://internationaldialogueinitiative.com/

  Vamik Volkan的論述  關鍵在講族群(large group)的退化(regression)  和這個退化是如何被操弄的  但他似乎只有提及古典的操弄  沒有提及擁有媒體製造民調豢養網軍造勢抹黑自自冉冉的大數據的世界  那裡的操弄妙不可言  當今屁眼奪權捍權皆由此徑  

 退化是關鍵辭  但是精神分析的文獻  多限於治療室內  走不出治療室外  遂率與此無關  His focus is mainly Europe. He did not mention Asia, specifically China, at all.

  Under stress, large groups may regress. When they do, they may regress to fixation points in the group's history. Volkan has identified various signs of large-group regression and their triggers, such as external threats in the case of Serbia after the collapse of Yugoslavia; the shared experience of shame, humiliation, and helplessness in the U.S. after 9/11; and the influence of a leader's personality or death (Volkan 2004). The purpose of large-group regression is to restore or maintain large-group identity—the tent's canvas.

Major symptoms of large-group regression include the following.

1. Rallying around the leader.

2. Losing individuality.

3. Severe splitting. This can occur as a polarity between “us” and “them” or within the society. The latter is seen when the leader divides his or her followers into torturers and tortured, as in Albania, or when the leader cannot differentiate between real and imagined dangers.

4. Massive, shared introjections and projections, such as societal paranoia. This phenomenon was seen in Enver Hoxha's Albania, where something like slave labor was used to build over seventyfive hundred bunkers in anticipation of an attack that never came. A regressed group's blindly accepting (“eating”) the propaganda and “lies” coming from above is an example of massive introjection.

5. A shared narcissistic preoccupation. An example is the grandiose historical view taken by Iraq that it is the cradle of civilization.

6. Magical thinking, blurring of reality, and new or modified societal patterns The customary “kidnapping” of brides in South Ossetia is an instance of this last. What under normal conditions is a playful cultural norm whereby the girl is symbolically kidnapped and married has become, under conditions of societal regression, far more aggressive: today's “brides” are kidnapped, tortured, and raped.

7. Inability to mourn or difficulty in mourning whereby a large group becomes a society of perennial mourners and the use of “linking objects” is recognized and institutionalized. Volkan (1981) has described how perennial mourners use these inanimate objects to symbolically connect the object representation of the dead—or the lost thing—with the corresponding representation of the mourner and to control such objects in order to keep the mourning process externalized and incomplete.

8. Reactivation of “chosen glories” pertaining to the history of a large group's past. This was seen in Baathist Iraq, where Saddam Hussein tried to identify himself with Saladin, the Islamic leader who defeated the Crusaders. In an attempt to reactivate this chosen glory, this history was incorporated into his battle cry to defeat the U.S., the new infidels.

9. Reactivation of a “chosen trauma” whereby a large group unconsciously “chooses” to make a shared mental representation of an event that caused it terrible losses, helplessness, humiliation, and victimization. It is a significant milestone in a large group's history and a marker of its identity. Extending the findings from Holocaust studies, Volkan's model of intergenerational transmission describes the injured self-images being deposited into the developing selfrepresentations of children as a “psychological gene.” The children are then compelled to mourn the traumatic losses of the previous generation, who have been unable to contain and mourn these losses or to reverse the experience of passivity, shame, and humiliation. If the second generation cannot metabolize these losses, they in turn will transmit the pattern to succeeding generations. Thus, a bridge is developed between the shared trauma and historical process, as described by Peter Loewenberg (1995). When this happens, the actual history becomes no longer important. It changes in its function and can then be manipulated by political leaders for their purposes. Slobodan Milosevic exemplified this phenomenon in his reactivation of the shared memory of the Battle of Kosovo in 1389, in which the Serbian hero, Prince Lazar, was killed. Milosevic had the remains of this hero exhumed and taken on tour to incite violent passions (Volkan 1997). Another example of a group's chosen trauma is seen in Al Qaeda, where Osama bin Laden is known as Ibn Al Abada, the son of the slave (Volkan 2004). Thought to be a pathologically vengeful individual (see Socarides 1997), he has perhaps identified with the orphaned Mohammed searching for his father. Thus, the intertwining of the leader's internal world with historical processes sets the stage for violence.

10. Dehumanization. Exemplified by the Nazis, this is a two-step process. Step one is identifying undesirable humans; step two is turning them into nonhumans, as in the Hutus' degradation of the Tutsis, referred to as cafards, or insects. Interestingly, the Tutsis were also called the “Jews” of Rwanda. A second type of dehumanization occurs in the case of suicide bombers. They bypass their individual victims' identity and then rehumanize themselves as spokespersons for their group, while rehumanizing the victims as representatives of the opposing large group.

11. Border psychology, in which borders become shared psychological skins. We saw this in the United States after 9/11 and in Israel with the West Bank. Realistic conditions “on the ground,” such as security problems, make it difficult to study this phenomenon. 

12. The narcissism of minor differences. Although Freud considered this phenomenon harmless, when seen on a large-group scale it can become quite deadly, as in the killing of Tamils or Sinhalese in Sri Lanka.

13. Ruining of basic trust. This was seen in Nazi child-rearing practices and in the elementary schools of Enver Hoxha's Albania, where students were brainwashed into pledging their allegiance to the leader and were rewarded for spying on and betraying family members who expressed any doubt or opposition to the ruler.

14. Heightened importance of the leader's personality. When a large group is regressed, the personality organization of the leader becomes extremely influential, as he or she can tame or inflame the regression. Contrast Slobodan Milosevic's use of violence and terror with Nelson Mandela's use of nonviolent means.

Brenner, I. (2006). Terror and Societal Regression: Does Psychoanalysis Offer Insights for International Relations?. J. Amer. Psychoanal. Assn., 54(3):977-988 (pp. 979-981)