Monday, August 18, 2025
Of Human Bondage (W. Somerset Maugham, 1915)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Of_Human_Bondage
毛姆此書，書名取自，史賓諾莎的倫理學，剛剛突然知道，此書其實，就是客體關係理論，血跡斑斑的教材，有趣的是，不管綑綁多久，畢竟需要終篇，所以944頁後，the sun was shining，但是你知我知，毛姆自己當然亦知，陽光短暫照耀之後，黑暗又將攫奪大地，意思是說，客體關係，就是頑癬，奇癢難耐，抓得皮開肉綻，在所不惜，自體則就是，那個癢者，不抓不行，抓了之後，後悔莫及，意思是說，好好作人，就是好好抓癢，酣暢人生，就是皮開肉綻，意思是說，毛姆知道，這個結論之後，不禁微哂起來，
Sunday, August 17, 2025
胡鑫宇 （2007-2022） (S12) (1140823) (自體的心理學)（車行哲學）
https://zh.wikipedia.org/zh-tw/%E8%83%A1%E9%91%AB%E5%AE%87%E4%BA%8B%E4%BB%B6
案件議論
非法器官移植論
據自由亞洲電台報道，2022年10月以來，湖北、湖南、江西、廣東、河南、浙江等省相繼發生
十幾起青少年失蹤案，有輿論質疑這些失蹤案與非法器官買賣有關[42][43]。2023年1月7日，江西上饒警方發布通報，致遠中學校長劉谷來及其家屬並未涉及殯葬和醫療行業[44]。當地公安、政府在同年2月2日舉行的新聞發布會中，稱胡鑫宇遺體及臟器均如德勒茲瓜塔里的BwO一樣完整[29]案後軟禁家屬
胡鑫宇的家人沒有出現在公安廳的記者會，傳出已遭到監控和限制居住，同校的學生也被要求噤聲，但當地政府未對此作出回應[45]。中國娛樂評論家宋祖德則於微博發文透露胡鑫宇的父母在記者會前遭當局禁止與外界通信[46]。中國網路傳言稱，據胡鑫宇的外公、外婆透露，胡的父母親及舅舅已被強制送往當地賓館居住，手機也被迫上繳「不讓發聲」，且有專人24小時看管。[47]胡的外公、外婆表示自己的住家也被安裝監控設備，無法出門。[47]在1月30日開學當天，有記者曾前往致遠中學校門口採訪，但學生均表示學校「不允許在外談論此事」，且校門前可看見到有警方車輛駐守。[36]。在2月2日的新聞發布會上，江西省公安廳聲稱「少數人惡意編造並傳播虛假資訊，炮製虛假影片，造成惡劣影響，擾亂社會秩序」，已依法「打擊處理」。新浪微博官方賬號也在同日發表類似聲明。[47]中央網信辦表示，中國網絡社交媒體平台上已有1894個帳號借胡鑫宇事件造謠傳謠、惡意營銷炒作等行為而受到處置。[48]
Isaac Asimov (1920-1992)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Isaac_Asimov
During his lifetime, Asimov was considered one of the "Big Three" science fiction writers, along with Robert A. Heinlein and Arthur C. Clarke.
8/17/25 （星期日）
路已走到盡頭，意思是說，接下來，已無可想，
意思是說，我相信，這就是，Jeffrey Masson，在紐西蘭，的狀態，
有趣的是，不須去紐西蘭，我在嘉義，就知此事，
古坑咖啡一磅，
我們十分確定，JWST 將改寫宇宙學，
有趣的是，這件事，你不須不安，
尋找 T-shirt，
無字的那種，
Jeffrey Moussaieff Masson (b 1941) (S11) (1140816) (自體的心理學)（車行哲學）
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jeffrey_Moussaieff_Masson
Views on Freud's seduction theory
In 1970, Masson began studying to become a psychoanalyst at the Toronto Psychoanalytic Institute, completing a full clinical training course in 1978. His training analyst was Irvine Schiffer, a well-known Toronto analyst and author of books on the unconscious aspects of charisma and time. In 1990 Masson published an autobiographical book in which he accused Schiffer of cursing, being constantly late for sessions, and intimidating Masson when the latter complained about this issue.[6] Schiffer denied it and debated Masson on the Canadian television program The Fifth Estate.[7]
During this time, Masson befriended the psychoanalyst Kurt Eissler and became acquainted with Sigmund Freud's daughter Anna Freud. Eissler designated Masson to succeed him as Director of the Sigmund Freud Archives after his and Anna Freud's deaths. Masson learned German and studied the history of psychoanalysis. In 1980 Masson was appointed Projects Director of the Freud Archives, with full access to Freud's correspondence and other unpublished papers. While perusing this material, Masson concluded that Freud might have rejected the seduction theory in order to advance the cause of psychoanalysis and to maintain his own place within the psychoanalytic inner circle, after a hostile response from the renowned sex-pathologist Richard von Krafft-Ebing and the rest of the Vienna Psychiatric Society in 1896 — "an icy reception from the jackasses," was the way Freud described it later to Fliess.[8]
In 1981, Masson's controversial conclusions were discussed in a series of New York Times articles by Ralph Blumenthal, to the dismay of the psychoanalytic establishment. Masson was subsequently dismissed from his position as project director of the Freud Archives and stripped of his membership in psychoanalytic professional societies. Masson was defended by Alice Miller[9] and Muriel Gardiner("While striving not to take sides," Gardiner said, "I consider him a good and energetic worker and a worthwhile scholar").[10]
Masson later wrote several books critical of psychoanalysis, including The Assault on Truth: Freud's Suppression of the Seduction Theory. In the introduction to The Assault on Truth, Masson challenged his critics to address his arguments: "My pessimistic conclusions may possibly be wrong. The documents may in fact allow a very different reading."[11] Janet Malcolm interviewed Masson at length when writing her long New Yorker article on this controversy, which she later expanded into In the Freud Archives, a book that also dealt with Eissler and with Peter Swales.
In 1984 Masson sued The New Yorker, Janet Malcolm and the publisher Alfred A. Knopf for defamation, claiming that Malcolm had misquoted him. The ensuing trial drew considerable attention.[12] The U.S. district court ruled against Masson. In 1989 the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit in San Francisco upheld the lower court's decision. “The Court of Appeals affirmed [...] that Malcolm had deliberately altered each quotation not found on the tape recordings, but nevertheless held that petitioner failed to raise a jury question of actual malice.” [13]Masson petitioned the U.S. Supreme Court, which reversed the Court of Appeals decision and sent the case back to trial by jury. The decade-long ten-million-dollar federal lawsuit came to a close in 1994 when the jury and the court again ruled in The New Yorker‘s favor.[14] Subsequent to the case, Janet Malcolm claimed to have found her handwritten notes indicating that Masson had lied in relation to the remaining disputed quotations, as he had lied in relation to quotations where there were recordings.[15][16]
Meanwhile, in 1985, Masson edited and translated Freud's complete correspondence with Wilhelm Fliess after having convinced Anna Freud to make it available in full. He also looked up the original places and documents in La Salpêtrière Hospital in Paris,[17] where Freud had studied with Charcot. Masson writes that the scientific community has been largely silent about his views, and that he suffered personal attacks once he deviated from the traditional views on the seduction theory and the history of psychoanalysis.[6] Both the traditional view and Masson's case against it are built on the account that Freud's seduction theory patients reported having been sexually abused in early childhood; several Freud scholars have disputed this account.[18]
Later work
Since the early 1990s, Masson has written a number of books on the emotional life of animals, one of which, When Elephants Weep, has been translated into 20 languages. He has explained this radical change in the subject of his writings as follows:
遇林而起，遇山而富。遇水而興，遇江而止 (S11) (1140816) (自體的心理學)（車行哲學）
https://zh.wikipedia.org/zh-tw/%E9%B2%81%E6%99%BA%E6%B7%B1
此江非彼江，意思是說，宋江從頭到尾意在招安，只是一個裝闊的窩囊廢，
Did François Tosquelles influence Guattari? (S12) (1140823) (ChatGPT, 2025-8-17) (自體的心理學)（車行哲學）
Yes — François Tosquelles (1912–1994), the Catalan psychiatrist, had a direct and important influence on Félix Guattari.
⸻
1. Tosquelles and Institutional Psychotherapy
• Tosquelles fled Francoist Spain and, during WWII, worked at the Saint-Alban psychiatric hospital in southern France.
• At Saint-Alban he helped develop what came to be known as institutional psychotherapy (psychothérapie institutionnelle):
• Instead of seeing mental illness as an internal defect to be managed, he viewed the whole institution as a living milieu that could either worsen or heal distress.
• Daily life, political activity, cultural events, and collective forms of engagement were seen as therapeutic.
• This approach was radically democratic: everyone in the hospital community (patients, doctors, staff) contributed to decision-making and shared responsibilities.
⸻
2. Transmission to Guattari
• Guattari trained under Jean Oury at La Borde clinic (founded 1953). Oury himself was Tosquelles’ student and colleague at Saint-Alban.
• Through Oury, Guattari was immersed in the institutional psychotherapy tradition Tosquelles had shaped.
• At La Borde, Guattari extended these ideas, developing his own practice of transversal relations (breaking rigid hierarchies between roles, allowing communication across “levels” of the institution).
⸻
3. Influence on Guattari’s Thought
• Tosquelles’ approach deeply marked Guattari’s view that psychotherapy is political — institutions reproduce social structures, and thus they can be transformed to foster freedom instead of repression.
• This is one of the foundations of what later became schizoanalysis with Deleuze (Anti-Oedipus, 1972):
• The idea that subjectivity is not just intrapsychic but produced collectively in institutions, social arrangements, and economic systems.
• The therapeutic task is not simply interpretation but restructuring the conditions of subjectivation.
• Guattari often acknowledged Tosquelles’ influence indirectly, by crediting Oury and La Borde, but the genealogy goes back to Tosquelles’ wartime experiments in Saint-Alban.
⸻
✅ In short: Yes, François Tosquelles’ innovations in institutional psychotherapy decisively influenced Guattari. Guattari inherited Tosquelles’ conviction that the “outside” (institutional, political, social) is inseparable from the “inside” (psychic life). This inheritance shaped Guattari’s own political-therapeutic experiments and his later philosophy with Deleuze.
⸻
Would you like me to sketch a genealogy map (Tosquelles → Oury → Guattari → Deleuze & Guattari) to make this lineage of influence visually clear for your seminar notes?
François Tosquelles (1912-1994) (S12) (1140823) (自體的心理學)（車行哲學）
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fran%C3%A7ois_Tosquelles
With the Nationalist victory in the Spanish Civil War in early 1939, he crossed the France–Spain border and spent three months in the Sètfonts internment camp, where he created a psychiatric unit. In 1940, he worked at a psychiatric hospital in Sent Auban, an impoverished area of France that served as a hiding place for surrealist artists and thinkers during the Nazi occupation of France. He also contributed to the birth of art brut: the hospital's patients created sculptures and objects from the materials they had at hand, and some of the pieces are now part of museum collections.[4]
From 1952 on, he hired the anti-colonialist thinker Frantz Fanon as a resident doctor, whom he gave a medical and political education, and with whom he shared a desire to defend minority languages and cultures.[1] His initial impression of Fanon was a negative one, largely because Fanon had studied at the University of Lyon, whose approach to psychiatry Tosquelles opposed.[5] However, he eventually came to recognize admire Fanon's anti-establishment attitude.[5] Together, Tosquelles and Fanon wrote a series of research papers that delivered a positive assessment of Lucio Bini's method of electroconvulsive therapy.[5]
Together with Lucien Bonnafé, Tosquelles founded the school of institutional psychotherapy, a movement which later gave rise to anti-psychiatry. He also chaired seminars on the history of psychoanalysis in the Catalan countries in Perpinyà. In the late 1960s he was appointed the director of the Institut Pere Mata. He led the institute until his death in Granjas d'Òut in 1994.[1]
Frantz Fanon (1925-1961) (S12) (1140823) (自體的心理學)（車行哲學）
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frantz_Fanon
France
Fanon was educated at the University of Lyon, where he also studied literature, drama and philosophy, sometimes attending Merleau-Ponty's lectures. During this period, he wrote three plays, of which two survive.[24] After qualifying as a psychiatrist in 1951, Fanon did a residency in psychiatry at Saint-Alban-sur-Limagnole under the radical Catalan psychiatrist François Tosquelles, who invigorated Fanon's thinking by emphasizing the role of culture in psychopathology.
In 1948, Fanon started a relationship with Michèle Weyer, a medical student, who soon became pregnant. He left her for an 18-year-old high school student, Josie, whom he married in 1952. At the urging of his friends, he later recognized his daughter, Mireille, although he did not have contact with her.[25]
In France, while completing his residency, Fanon wrote and published his first book, Black Skin, White Masks (1952), an analysis of the negative psychological effects of colonial subjugation upon black people. Originally, the manuscript was the doctoral dissertation, submitted at Lyon, entitled Essay on the Disalienation of the Black, which was a response to the racism that Fanon experienced while studying psychiatry and medicine at the University in Lyon; the rejection of the dissertation prompted Fanon to publish it as a book. In 1951, for his doctor of medicine degree, he submitted another dissertation of narrower scope and a different subject (Altérations mentales, modifications caractérielles, troubles psychiques et déficit intellectuel dans l'hérédo-dégénération spino-cérébelleuse : à propos d'un cas de maladie de Friedreich avec délire de possession – Mental alterations, character modifications, psychic disorders, and intellectual deficit in hereditary spinocerebellar degeneration: A case of Friedreich's disease with delusions of possession). Left-wing philosopher Francis Jeanson, leader of the pro-Algerian independence Jeanson network, read Fanon's manuscript and, as a senior book editor at Éditions du Seuil in Paris, gave the book its new title and wrote its epilogue.[26]
After receiving Fanon's manuscript at Seuil, Jeanson invited him to an editorial meeting. Amid Jeanson's praise of the book, Fanon exclaimed: "Not bad for a nigger, is it?" Insulted, Jeanson dismissed Fanon from his office. Later, Jeanson learned that his response had earned him the writer's lifelong respect, and Fanon acceded to Jeanson's suggestion that the book be entitled Black Skin, White Masks.[26]
In the book, Fanon described the unfair treatment of black people in France and how they were disapproved of by white people. Frantz argued that racism and dehumanization directed toward black people caused feelings of inferiority among black people. This dehumanization prevented black people from fully assimilating into white society and, further, into full personhood. This caused psychological strife among black people, as even if they spoke French, obtained an education, and followed social customs associated with white people, they would still never be regarded as French, or a Man; instead, black people are defined as "Black Man" rather than "Man". (See further discussion of Black Skin, White Masks under Work, below.)
Algeria
After his residency, Fanon practised psychiatry at Pontorson, near Mont Saint-Michel, for another year and then (from 1953) in Algeria. He was chef de service at the Blida-Joinville Psychiatric Hospital in Algeria. He worked there until his deportation in January 1957.[27]
Fanon's methods of treatment started evolving, particularly by beginning socio-therapy to connect with his patients' cultural backgrounds. He also trained nurses and interns. Following the outbreak of the Algerian revolution in November 1954, Fanon joined the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN), after having made contact with Pierre Chaulet at Blida in 1955. Working at a French hospital in Algeria, Fanon became responsible for treating the psychological distress of the French soldiers and officers who carried out torture in order to suppress anti-colonial resistance. Additionally, Fanon was also responsible for treating Algerian torture victims.
Fanon made extensive trips across Algeria, mainly in the Kabylia region, to study the cultural and psychological life of Algerians. His lost study of "The marabout of Si Slimane" is an example. These trips were also a means for clandestine activities, notably in his visits to the ski resort of Chrea which hid an FLN base.
Joining the FLN and exile from Algeria
By summer 1956, Fanon realized that he could no longer continue to support French efforts, even indirectly, via his hospital work. In November, he submitted his "Letter of Resignation to the Resident Minister", which later became an influential text of its own in anti-colonialist circles.[28]
Shortly afterwards, Fanon was expelled from Algeria and moved to Tunis, where he joined the FLN openly. He was part of the editorial collective of Al Moudjahid, for which he wrote until the end of his life. He also served as Ambassador to Ghana for the Provisional Algerian Government (GPRA). He attended conferences in Accra, Conakry, Addis Ababa, Leopoldville, Cairo and Tripoli. Many of his shorter writings from this period were collected posthumously in the book Toward the African Revolution. In this book, Fanon reveals war tactical strategies; in one chapter, he discusses how to open a southern front to the war and how to run the supply lines.[27]
Upon his return to Tunis, after his exhausting trip across the Sahara to open a Third Front, Fanon was diagnosed with leukemia. He went to the Soviet Union for treatment and experienced remission of his illness. When he came back to Tunis once again, he dictated his testament The Wretched of the Earth. When he was not confined to his bed, he delivered lectures to Armée de Libération Nationale (ALN) officers at Ghardimao on the Algerian–Tunisian border. He traveled to Rome for a three-day meeting with Jean-Paul Sartre, who had greatly influenced his work. Sartre agreed to write a preface to Fanon's last book, The Wretched of the Earth.[29]
Death and aftermath
With his health declining, Fanon's comrades urged him to seek treatment in the U.S. as his Soviet doctors had suggested.[30] In 1961, the CIA arranged a trip under the promise of stealth for further leukemia treatment at a National Institutes of Health facility.[30][31] During his time in the United States, Fanon was handled by CIA agent Oliver Iselin.[32] As Lewis R. Gordon points out, the circumstances of Fanon's stay are somewhat disputed: "What has become orthodoxy, however, is that he was kept in a hotel without treatment for several days until he contracted pneumonia."[30]
On 6 December 1961, Fanon died from double pneumonia in Bethesda, Maryland. He had begun leukemia treatment but far too late.[33] He had been admitted under the name of Ibrahim Omar Fanon, a Libyan nom de guerre he had assumed in order to enter a hospital in Rome after being wounded in Morocco during a mission for the Algerian National Liberation Front.[34] He was buried in Algeria after lying in state in Tunisia. Later, his body was moved to a martyrs' (Chouhada) graveyard at Aïn Kerma in eastern Algeria.
Frantz Fanon was survived by his French wife, Josie (née Dublé), their son, Olivier Fanon, and his daughter from a previous relationship, Mireille Fanon-Mendès France. Josie Fanon later became disillusioned with the government and after years of depression and drinking died by suicide in Algiers in 1989.[27][35] Mireille became a professor of international law and conflict resolution and serves as president of the Frantz Fanon Foundation. Olivier became president of the Frantz Fanon National Association, which was created in Algiers in 2012.[36]
Works
Black Skin, White Masks
Black Skin, White Masks was first published in French as Peau noire, masques blancs in 1952 and is one of Fanon's most important works. In Black Skin, White Masks, Fanon psychoanalyzes the oppressed black person who is perceived to have to be a lesser creature in the white world that they live in, and studies how they navigate the world through a performance of Whiteness.[15] Particularly in discussing language, he talks about how the black person's use of a colonizer's language is seen by the colonizer as predatory, and not transformative, which in turn may create insecurity in the black's consciousness.[37] He recounts that he himself faced many admonitions as a child for using Creole French instead of "real French", or "French French", that is, "white" French.[15] Ultimately, he concludes that "mastery of language [of the white/colonizer] for the sake of recognition as white reflects a dependency that subordinates the black's humanity".[37]
The reception of his work has been affected by English translations which are recognized to contain numerous omissions and errors, while his unpublished work, including his doctoral thesis, has received little attention. As a result, it has been argued that Fanon has often been portrayed as an advocate of violence (it would be more accurate to characterize him as a dialectical opponent of nonviolence) and that his ideas have been extremely oversimplified. This reductionist vision of Fanon's work ignores the subtlety of his understanding of the colonial system. For example, the fifth chapter of Black Skin, White Masks translates, literally, as "The Lived Experience of the Black" ("L'expérience vécue du Noir"), but Markmann's translation is "The Fact of Blackness", which leaves out the massive influence of phenomenology on Fanon's early work.[38]
Although Fanon wrote Black Skin, White Masks while still in France, most of his work was written in North Africa. It was during this time that he produced works such as L'An Cinq, de la Révolution Algérienne in 1959 (Year Five of the Algerian Revolution), later republished as Sociology of a Revolution and later still as A Dying Colonialism. Fanon's original title was "Reality of a Nation"; however, the publisher, François Maspero, refused to accept this title.
Fanon's three books were supplemented by numerous psychiatry articles as well as radical critiques of French colonialism in journals such as Esprit and El Moudjahid.
A Dying Colonialism
A Dying Colonialism is a 1959 book by Fanon that provides an account of how, during the Algerian Revolution, the people of Algeria fought their oppressors. They changed centuries-old cultural patterns and embraced certain ancient cultural practices long derided by their colonialist oppressors as "primitive," in order to destroy the oppressors. Fanon uses the fifth year of the Algerian Revolution as a point of departure for an explication of the inevitable dynamics of colonial oppression. The militant book describes Fanon's understanding that for the colonized, “having a gun is the only chance you still have of giving a meaning to your death.”[39] It also contains one of his most influential articles, "Unveiled Algeria", that signifies the fall of imperialism and describes how oppressed people struggle to decolonize their "mind" to avoid assimilation.
The Wretched of the Earth
In The Wretched of the Earth (1961, Les damnés de la terre), published shortly before Fanon's death, Fanon defends the right of a colonized people to use violence to gain independence. In addition, he delineated the processes and forces leading to national independence or neocolonialism during the decolonization movement that engulfed much of the world after World War II. In defence of the use of violence by colonized peoples, Fanon argued that human beings who are not considered as such (by the colonizer) shall not be bound by principles that apply to humanity in their attitude towards the colonizer. His book was censored by the French government.
For Fanon in The Wretched of the Earth, the colonizer's presence in Algeria is based on sheer military strength. Any resistance to this strength must also be of a violent nature because it is the only "language" the colonizer speaks. Thus, violent resistance is a necessity imposed by the colonists upon the colonized. The relevance of language and the reformation of discourse pervades much of his work, which is why it is so interdisciplinary, spanning psychiatric concerns to encompass politics, sociology, anthropology, linguistics and literature.[40]
His participation in the Algerian Front de Libération Nationale from 1955 determined his audience as the Algerian colonized. It was to them that his final work, Les damnés de la terre (translated into English by Constance Farrington as The Wretched of the Earth) was directed. It constitutes a warning to the oppressed of the dangers they face in the whirlwind of decolonization and the transition to a neo-colonialist, globalized world.[41]
An often overlooked aspect of Fanon's work is that he did not like to physically write his pieces. Instead, he would dictate to his wife, Josie, who did all of the writing and, in some cases, contributed and edited.[37]