Friday, September 22, 2017

評儒家關係主義


Confucian Relationalism: Philosophical Reflection, Theoretical Construction and Empirical Research, published in Chinese in 2009

 

To provide an example for non-Western indigenous psychologists to understand the “scientific” revolution, and to establish their own indigenous psychologies, I decided to translate my book on Confucian Relationalism into English with a new title, Foundations of Chinese Psychology: Confucian Social Relations.

 

Foundations of Chinese Psychology: Confucian Social Relations (International and Cultural Psychology), by Kwang-Kuo Hwang, Springer, 2012

 

 

 

The disciple of mainstream Western psychology (WP) emerged from Europe and America. It is rooted in Judeo-Christian religious-philosophical tradition, passed on through the Greek-Roman tradition, and passed to non-Western countries over the last centuries.

 

Because many scholars and practitioners have found that the imported WP is irrelevant, incompatible, or inappropriate for them to understand their own people, and because much knowledge generated by WP cannot be used to solve their daily problems, some psychologists began to develop indigenous psychologies (IPs) as a reaction to the dominance of WP.

 

culture-inclusive psychology has been … an elusive goal. (Cole, 1996, pp. 7–8).

 

I mentioned that (2010) Hendrich, Heine & Norenzayan (2010, a, b, c) from the University of British Columbia reported fi ndings of their research in the journals Nature and Behavior a l and Brain Sciences , and indicated that 96% of samples of psychological research published in the world’s top journals from 2003 to 2007 were drawn from Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic (WEIRD) societies, which houses just 12% of the world’s population.

 

… the major problem lies less in the theoretical limits of Western psychology, although these are serious, than in the social functions of Western psychology. As scientific psychology entrenches itself further in industrial nations, its function as a sociopolitical stabilizing mechanism has gradually become more obvious…psychological theory and practice embody Western cultural assumptions to such an extent that they primarily perform an ideological function. That is, they serve to reproduce and sustain societal status quo characterized by economic inequality and other forms of oppression such as sexism and racism. The core operative assumptions that produce this ideological effect both in theory and practice are individualism and scientism. (Sloan, 1996, p. 39)

 

兩個關鍵詞

就是個體主義和科學主義 (individualism and scientism)

 

黃光國用儒家關係主義

構建本土心理學

並藉之反駁個體主義和科學主義

 

關於個體主義

張愛玲說過

中國人的人生

是惡名昭彰的糾葛在關係的網絡中的 (notoriously gregarious)

 

想起嗜讀偵探小說

孤獨死在小公寓的張愛玲

 

199598日,張愛玲的房東發現她逝世於加州洛杉磯西木區羅徹斯特大道的公寓,終年75歲。其遺囑云:「儘速火化;骨灰灑於空曠原野;遺物留給宋淇夫婦處理。」 https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E5%BC%B5%E6%84%9B%E7%8E%B2

 

我的看法是

中國人須要先樹立特立獨行的我

才能有具質地的我們的可能

 

儒家關係主義

對樹立特立獨行的我

恰恰是幫倒忙

 

禪宗和尚和不世出

困窘一生的宋明理學家

是我們的榜樣

 

而且儒家關係主義

正是兩千多年來

大一統王朝帝王術的幫兇

 

拿來做人拿來相處可以受用

鼓吹說它從人倫中透露出宇宙的秩序

則大可不必*


*   改變中國:六四以來的中國政治思潮  (張博樹 2015)

本書係作者2015年完成的最新著作,詳盡而透徹地解析了六四發生逾四分之一世紀以來在中國有廣泛影響的九種政治思潮,包括自由主義、新權威主義、新左派、毛左派、中共黨內民主派、憲政社會主義、儒學治國論、“回到新民主主義”、強勢對外的新國家主義。

 

科學不等於科學主義

所有「主義」都是還原 (reductionism)

 

我性情不近科學

我反對科學主義

 

但我並非反科學

過去五百年文明

拿掉科學的成就

我們還剩下甚麼

 

問題是不捨科學的成就的同時

我們是否仍可素樸的自然的做人

 

儒家關係主義

屬中土哲學

我的理解是

它擅長處理價值理性 (所以形上學倫理學它玩得起)

它不擅處理工具理性 (它簡直鄙視工具理性)

 

西方科學的知識論!

儒家關係主義裡

沒有這種名堂

 

用儒家關係主義

反駁科學

是牛頭不對馬嘴

 

當年講中學為體西學為用的

那些老先生們

顯然知道這個矛盾

 

但是有誰規定

為學只能獨學一門

 

如果有人能夠雙語 (bilingual)

中學西學兼顧呢

 

這樣的怪胎

我不確定他會長成甚麼模樣

 

我的意思是說

我們的命運

只能是變成一個個拼裝的怪胎 (Identity Crisis: Modernity, Psychoanalysis, and the Self, Stephen Frosh, Routledge, 1991)

 

當然文化基因歷史基因

是我們的包袱

也會是我們的特色

 

說明這個有各自特色的怪胎的心理學

就是本土心理學